Slow and Low Conquest

Lowriding is the artistic outcome of Mexican-American youth resisting assimilation and society. Lowriders resisted against law enforcement, and the society that once discriminated against their parents, grandparents, and ancestors. Lowriding emerged during a time, when racial discrimination against the Mexican-American community spewed throughout the whole country. From the Zoot Suit Riots to displacement and segregation, Mexican-American youth had to constantly fight oppression against law enforcement, military servicemen, and politicians. Cultural oppression and artistic freedom birthed lowriders in resistance, even though Mexican-Americans had economic disadvantages, they had the ultimate freedom to create lowrider culture. Unintentionally, the unique culture of lowriding transcended across seas and borders.

Chicanos and lowriders are synonymous to one another as unique entities. Lowriders strongly manifest Mexican American cultural resistance, since they began to emerge during times of oppression and discrimination. Hot rods were first to show case resistance by becoming the first custom automobiles built for speed. Since Mexican American youth could not afford to buy cars built for speed during the Great Depression, they built hot rods using junkyard parts (Tatum 3). Despite of low economic resources, Mexican-American youth demonstrated resistance within class.

Luxurious automobiles were desired by youth that could not afford them, but instead of staying empty handed, they created their hot rod culture. Car clubs resulted as part of the hot rod youth who organized themselves collectively (Tatum 3). As hot rod culture flourished among Mexican American youth, so did racial issues, discrimination, and segregation. The artistic resistance of lowriding was made possible through enduring harassment and then fighting against it with creativity. Artistic mobility and displaying our cultural heritage as we drive, is resistance against history.

Customized automobiles were at first, mostly for the wealthy, but Mexican American youth made it their own. Cultural individuality nurtured the essence of lowriding. Customizing cars into unique mobile art, is the outcome of resistance against economic and cultural oppression. Regular vehicles denote social status, but lowriders denote cultural individuality. During the birth of lowriders, the Mexican American community in Los Angeles experienced limited economic opportunities, as well as increased discrimination.

Racial tension and segregation of urban barrios highly prevailed between the 1940s and 1960s in Los Angeles. Within the early 1940s, there was a troubling relationship among the Mexican American community and LAPD (Alvarez 26). “Harassment of Mexican American youth was evident on city streets; in theaters, restaurants, and nightclub; and even on playgrounds. Officers of the Hollenbeck police precinct, in particular, were among the most feared in Los Angeles” (Alvarez 26). The atmosphere was oppressive for Mexican American families, since they were constantly targeted by politicians, law enforcement, and society. Since many Mexican American families lived within poverty in Los Angeles; politicians and society scapegoated the community.

During the 1940s and 1950s, Mexican Americans were mostly residing on the east side in Los Angeles barrios with limited growth potential, poor schooling and poverty (Alvarez 24). “Segregation and systematic discrimination based on race were imposed by local officials, often enthusiastically reinforced by the main stream press and public, and resulted in everyday discrimination in housing, education, and public services against nonwhites” (Alvarez 18). Mexican American youth had to endure discrimination at the hands of law enforcement, that was supposed to protect them and their neighborhoods. While at the same time, dealt with news media propaganda labeling them as dangerous, because they did not fit into the American mold. The youth and their community were not given an equal opportunity into assimilation and the fact that they were distinctive made them a threat.

According to Tomas Roberto Jiménez, author of Replenished Ethnicity: Mexican Americans, Immigration, and Identity, states within his book that Mexicans and Mexican Americans prolonged the assimilation process, due to the duration of the immigration wave. Los Angeles during World War II, experienced an influx of migration from Mexican families in search of jobs. Jiménez explains within his argument that immigration flow typically brings abundance of “ethnically linked symbols and practices that immigrants bring with them fresh from the homeland” (Jimenez 21). The constant arrival of Mexican immigrants into Southern California allowed Mexican culture to prevail within Los Angeles, because it connected Mexican Americans to their roots and culture. Jimenez also mentions that both practices and symbols evolve through time, “waning in salience and acquiring form and meaning heavily influenced by life in the United States” (Jimenez 21). Such constant cultural reload, allowed Mexican culture to prevail in Los Angeles due to immigrant in-flow. But racial tensions among Mexican Americans and Anglos reached a tipping point during World War II.

The war demonstrated a lack of dignity towards Mexican Americans, as well as other minority groups because they were viewed as a threat “to the stability of the home front” (Alvarez 16). Even within wartime, Mexican Americans were denied equal employment within the war industry (Alvarez 16). This type of limitation, created oppression within the work force to keep Mexican Americans and minorities within economic disadvantages. Nonwhite communities were also subjected to constant policing as a way of patrolling the “threat” (Alvarez 16). The focus within that time, was primarily on nonwhite youth which created a ‘race war’ in the country, because it was an era where their status was “underscored as second-class citizens” (Alvarez 17). Not only were Mexican Americans restrained from equal social status, they were also subjected to systematic discrimination and segregation “based on race imposed by local officials, often enthusiastically reinforced by the mainstream press and public, and resulted in everyday discrimination in housing, education and public services against nonwhites” (Alvarez 18). Mexican Americans were excluded from many public places such as schools, parks, restaurants, theaters, and public swimming pools (Alvarez 18). Businesses would alternate days to serve people of color on specific days separate from white customers and schools were segregated based on location, race, and language (Alvarez 18). Despite of all limitations placed onto Mexican Americans, the growth of the industrial boom attracted a new wave of migration.

With the rise in migration of Mexican immigrants to large cities, wartime xenophobia rose among Americans (Alvarez 2). Even though, there was a tremendous growth within the war industries in Southern California, it was very difficult for many new comers to obtain jobs within the industry (Alvarez 20). Despite of having employment limitations, Mexican Americans were four times more likely to get hired than African Americans, but still “entered the job market at a lower rate” (Alvarez 20). Mexican Americans were eager to be part of the wartime industry to validate their “national loyalty” at the same time of improving their socioeconomic well-being (Alvarez 22). Mexican Americans were not completely against assimilation, they just were not allowed to flourish within American society. Despite of their wiliness to participate, wartime xenophobia not only limited them economically, but also discriminated against them. Jimenez states within his book that the “demand for highly skilled labor in today’s hourglass economy may hinder opportunities for upward social mobility among less-skilled immigrants”. Not only were Mexican Americans limited in labor skills due to the heavy effects of colonialism, but they were also discriminated based on race (Jimenez 15). “Discrimination against nonwhite immigrants, such as Mexicans and West Indians, derails their entrance into the mainstream, pushing them into racialized position in American society” (Jimenez 15). Even though discrimination limited Mexican American youth, those who managed to enter the work force, had extra spending money to invest in both their appearance and automobiles. Such investment not only gave them an identity, but it also targeted a generation, who was never accepted to begin with.

Mexican youth was depicted by the news media, as a local threat within Southern California. The Sleepy Lagoon Murder became negative propaganda that allowed widespread restrictions against all Chicano youth. The murder of Jose Gallardo Diaz, during a teen rumble, gave newspapers a reason to portray Mexican American youth as armed and dangerous to the public (The Zoot). Newspapers at that time, were responsible for spreading xenophobic views of Mexican American youth associated with zoot suit apparel, which was initially an African American fashion trend (The Zoot). Mexican Americans made the zoot suit, a fashion trend of their own, but were immediately singled out as dangerous gang members. The negative association placed onto zoot suits placed more law enforcement within Mexican American neighborhoods as a way of protecting the Anglo public. Soon after the Sleepy Lagoon Murder, the Los Angeles Police Department patrolled the streets with full intent of racially profiling Mexican American youth, of the ages 12 to 25 (The Zoot). Mexican American youth got arrested by LAPD for no logical explanation; the arrests were only based on ethnicity and xenophobia (The Zoot). The Mexican American zoot suiters of that time were profiled based on ethnicity and apparel not only by law enforcement, but also military servicemen who were also supposed to protect them.

During the summer of 1943, for a week, Caucasian servicemen patrolled the streets of Los Angeles, in search of those dressed in zoot suit attire. The objective was to strip them of their clothes forcefully with violence (Alvarez). The news press was mainly at fault for the Zoot Suit Riots due to the negative propaganda caused by racism and discrimination. For the entire week, LAPD did little to nothing to protect Mexican American youth from blood thirsty servicemen. Instead, they intervened at the end of the riots only to arrest the victimized (The Zoot). Not only were Mexican Americans targeted for their apparel, but they were also very vulnerable to displacement at the hands of politicians.

The destruction of the Chavez Ravine in Los Angeles is an example of an oppressive act by politicians (Mccue). In 1949, Congress passed the National Housing Act “to improve the lives and standards of living for a broad range of Americans” (Mccue). Various housing projects through Los Angeles were planned out and it included the Chavez Ravine. Initially, homeowners were taken into consideration for the housing projects, but politicians like Norris Poulson excluded the Chavez Ravine. Poulson, a congressman with conservative Republican views, claimed that public housing was an unnecessary waste of tax money (Mccue). Poulson “argued that the cost of building the project would require rents that only the middle class could afford” (Mccue). He also joined the band wagon against the housing authority due to their “leftist” domination (Mccue). Poulson eventually won his argument and negotiated with both the housing authority and the federal government (Mccue). The land acquired by the federal government was to be sold to the city of Los Angeles for the intent of public purpose (Mccue). Such public purpose displaced Mexican American families out of their communities. The plan to build a stadium for an incoming baseball team, took priority over improving the lives of standard living. Barrio demolition made headline news as families were escorted out of their homes and bulldozers crushed their community away (Mccue). Mexican American families were vulnerable to segregation, due to their economic standing within society. They were not ever given an equal opportunity at upward mobility within American society, due to race discrimination.

Despite of all hardships endured by the Mexican American community in Los Angeles, they were able to gain strength through artistically representing their culture via lowriders. The creation of lowriders in Los Angeles correlates with the need to express culture, despite of limitations and oppression. Lowriders are the victory outcry for the injustices done onto the zoot suiters and the residents of the Chavez Ravine. Lowriders within the streets of Los Angeles, make the powerful statement that even though law enforcement and society tried to restrict our culture, our artistic minds prevailed. Expressing cultural heritage via lowriding allowed the youth to create safe spaces that united them as communities. Mexican American youth created an artistic outlet that denotes both passion and culture. The uniqueness of lowriding culture has allowed it to expand globally out of resistance.

Within the last decades, lowriding has surfaced throughout various parts of the world. Not far from Los Angeles, within the South American continent in São Paulo, Brazil, is another home to lowriding culture. São Paulo currently has car and bike clubs dedicated to lowriding and Chicano culture (Kercher). Brazilians have adopted lowriding culture as their own by dressing like Chicanos “with Dodgers gear and Nike Cortez sneakers” (Kercher). Even though, gang attire has been associated with lowrider culture, it is not the essence of it. It is only a stereotype highly enforced to the public by the main stream media. “The spread of this seemingly distant subculture, with Brazilian followers calling themselves cholos and cruising around in their low-and-slow automobiles, is raising eyebrows here in South America’s largest city. Some who cannot afford to buy vintage cars and customize them into lowriders simply roam São Paulo’s labyrinthine streets at the helm of bicycles accessorized with high-rise handlebars and banana seats” (Romero). According to the documentary “South American Cho-Low” by Phuong-Cac Nguyen, Brazilians were introduced to lowriders in the mid-1990s through movies and music. Media depiction of lowriders has allowed global recognition to spread.

Lowriding culture also made its way overseas to the Asian continent. Japan not only has a thriving lowrider culture, but it also incorporated Chicano rap into it as well. Female Japanese rapper known as Mona AKA Sad Girl, raps in English, Spanish, and Japanese. Her music videos incorporate a “combination of song lyrics, musical style, cultural iconography, body decoration, gesture and film techniques that localize the oppositional super-vernacular of Chicano rap while challenging discourses of patriarchy and nationalism” (Helland). Lowriding culture has been able to reach various parts of the world through music, but the passion for artistic expression through automobiles, is what has allowed it to spread from continent to continent.

Lowriding also made its way into the European continent. The United Kingdom is also home to lowriders. According to an article published by The Telegraph, the UK has its own interpretation of lowrider culture (Johnstone). A man interviewed for the article stated that his lowrider “car shows that while UK lowriders still respect the framework of the Latin American culture, they can adapt it to European cars” (Johnstone). Many lowriders in the UK have modified lowriding into vehicle models that do not fall within the lowriding mold. Volvos and Volkswagen Beetles are the type of vehicles that get modified into lowriders in Europe. UK lowriders understand that their vehicles are not particularly traditional lowriders, but alike Mexican American youth in the 1950s, they have managed to create their own lowriding style. Lowriding has allowed those that practice it, to expand their creativity into creating custom vehicles based on resources available.

Through the resistance of cultural oppression and segregation, lowriding was able to flourish through limited economic opportunities. Lowriding became the victorious artistic outcry against all injustices caused onto the Mexican American community. Through constant battles with law enforcement and society, Mexican American youth armed themselves with culture as a form of identity during times of cultural and economic oppression. Lowriding emerged in a time when the whole country discriminated against Mexicans. Despite of all the barriers faced by the Mexican American community, they were able to birth lowriding culture as a unique entity that went beyond borders and seas.

Works Cited

Alvarez, Luis. The Power of the Zoot: Youth Culture and Resistance During World War II. University of California Press, 2009

Helland, Kristin. (2017). Mona AKA Sad Girl: A multilingual multimodal critical discourse analysis of music videos of a Japanese Chicana rap artist. Discourse, Context & Media. . 10.1016/j.dcm.2017.09.004.

Jiménez, Tomás R. Replenished ethnicity: Mexican Americans, immigration, and identity. University of California Press, 2010

Kercher, Sophia. “Lowriding Culture Goes Global.” New York Times, 6 Dec. 2015, p. 12(L). Opposing Viewpoints in Context, Accessed 20 Nov. 2017.

McCue, Andy. “Barrio, Bulldozers, and Baseball: The Destruction of Chavez Ravine.” NINE: A Journal of Baseball History and Culture, vol. 21, no. 1, 2012, pp. 47–52.

Romero, Simon, et al. “In Brazil, Streets of Dancing Cars and Swagger.” New York Times, vol. 162, no. 56092, 31 Mar. 2013, pp. 6–9. EBSCOhost.

Tatum, Charles M. Lowriders in Chicano Culture: From low to Slow to Show. Greenwood, 2011.

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